The murder of the patients of Warta Mental Hospital

How to cite: Milczarek, J. The murder of the patients of Warta Mental Hospital. Kapera, M., trans. Medical Review – Auschwitz. December 9, 2019. https://www.mp.pl/auschwitz. Originally published as “Wymordowanie chorych psychicznie w Warcie.” Przegląd Lekarski – Oświęcim. 1979: 115–119.

Author

Jan Milczarek, PhD, 1926–2014, historian and archivist, contributor to Przegląd Lekarski – Oświęcim, founder of the Sieradz Branch of Polish State Archives.

The Nazi “euthanasia” programme [as carried out on Polish territories] has been discussed in many historical studies, some of which concern the region of Poznań in western Poland and are well-known to the readers of Przegląd Lekarski – Oświęcim. The problem has been researched by Edmund Chróścielewski and Wiesław Celiński, Stanisław Dąbrowski, Marcin Łyskanowski, and other authors (Radzicki and Radzicki, Mitscherlich and Mielke, Nawrocki, and Batawia). Mentally ill people were killed as stipulated in Hitler’s secret note about Euthanasie-Erlass, which was issued on 5 October, 1939, but actually dated 1 September. The order’s codenames were T4 and Kinderaktion.1 The man who was authorised by Hitler to supervise and take personal charge of the involuntary euthanasia programme was his physician, Prof. Karl Brandt. It must be noted that the headquarters of Aktion T4 was the Chancellery of the Third Reich. The mass killing of the mentally ill, disabled, and infirm people was planned there. Besides Brandt, the other organisers of the programme were, for instance, SS Oberführer Viktor Brack, and Reichsleiter Philip Bouhler, who had enough subordinates and resources to carry out the executions, which were conducted in psychiatric hospitals (Madajczyk, 263).

Those who had been selected for death by Nazi doctors were removed from their home institutions under the pretext of transfer. They were killed by lethal injections or gas, or “finished off” with a gun. In April 1940, a similar mass execution of the mentally ill took place in a psychiatric hospital in Warta. The crime has been described in the relevant literature (e.g. by Chróścielewski and Celiński; Batawia, 103; and others). Batawia estimated that 4992 patients were murdered there. However, more information should be provided about this instance of Nazi genocide, and the history of Warta Hospital during the war should be made known to the general public. Having that purpose in mind, I am not going to discuss the operations of the hospital before the outbreak of the Second World War.

On 1 September 1939, Warta psychiatric hospital had about 1,320 patients. After three days of hostilities, they were evacuated to [another mental hospital at] Kochanówka near Łódź [in central Poland]. The patients returned to Warta in October 1939. In November, the German Gauselbstverwaltung authorities took over the administration of the hospital, and German officials carried out a thorough audit of its operations.

In December 1939, fearing German repressive measures against Jews, Dr Helena Renata Katz-Furman decided to flee to the Generalgouvernement and secretly left Warta.3 She had replaced Dr Karol Szymański, the former head of the hospital, when he was drafted into the Polish army in August 1939. When Katz-Furman disappeared, Dr Zenon Wojanowski was appointed provisional head.

In late January 1940 the hospital was renamed Gauheilanstalt in Warta bei Schieratz. On 6 March 1940 the first German physician arrived; it was Dr Hans Renfranz, formerly employed in a similar institution in Lauenberg (now Lębork). In late March, the Germans commissioned Dr Fritz Lemberger from Munich to act as the hospital’s head and gave him special prerogatives. Having assumed office, Lemberger immediately introduced stricter hospital regulations and limited the duration of visits, insinuating that even more changes were shortly to be expected. Treatment as such was of no interest to him. Instead, he frequently travelled on business and received many guests: both civilian and military Nazi officials of the local and national level, with whom he held long consultations. Around 25 March, both German doctors, Lemberger and Renfranz, began a swift selection of the patients, sharing their tasks. Lemberger examined the men, and Renfranz examined the women. Dr Renfranz, who was a psychiatrist, proved a much more meticulous selector than Dr Lemberger, who was a gynaecologist. The selections were performed in the wards, either in the presence of the Polish physicians and nurses or without them.

The procedure was as follows: the patient was first asked for his or her first and family name, age, and nationality (ethnicity), and then had to answer a few other questions. For the Jews, the interview was over as soon as they gave their ethnicity. Afterwards, the doctors made a note in a register carried by the assisting staff: they marked a small circle in the “Endorsements” column, with either a minus or a plus sign. Usually, it was a plus, which later turned out to be a death sentence.

We do not know on whose orders they were acting, but they must surely have been authorised by those who had commissioned a similar programme in Reichsgau Wartheland.4 By the end of March 1940 the selection was over, and preparations for the killings were in progress. On 30 March 1940 the hospital was visited by a board of inspectors: two civilians and four SS-men who were given rooms in the administrative building. Upon arrival, the visitors held a short conference with Dr Lemberger; one of the things they asked about was the procedure for patients’ burials. Lemberger dodged the question, signalling the topic should not be discussed in the presence of Poles. Following another short talk in his surgery, the civilians left for Kalisz. The SS-men stayed on in their living quarters on the first floor of the office building.

The next day, that is 31 March 1940, in the afternoon, three trucks and one passenger car appeared in front of the hospital. One of the trucks had an airtight sheet metal cladding and a rear door. On its black side panels there were pictures of a smiling woman, pouring coffee from a jug into a cup, and the inscription Kaiser Kaffee Gesellschaft (Okręgowa Komisja). The other two trucks were military vehicles with tarpaulin-covered backs. The SS-men who arrived in them had round caps with Totenkopf badges. As ordered by their Sturmführer, whom they addressed as “Herr Kommissar,” they alighted and joined the four SS-residents of the hospital, so altogether there were twenty-four of them now. Herr Kommissar got a room to himself, number seven. The SS-men occupied a total of six rooms. The hospital staff were required to provide them with what were then luxury victuals, such as vodka, beer, and real coffee, and (for reasons unknown) two shirts for each of them. Thirteen prisoners arrived with the SS-men, probably from Gostynin, were detained in the municipal jail and kept on the hospital’s provisions. The medical staff had to fetch their meals, under an escort of armed Volksdeutsche,5 but no communication was allowed between them and the detainees. On the following days the prisoners were driven in trucks under guard to a spot near the village of Rossoszyca, where they were given spades and ordered to dig pits—graves for the victims of the crime, as it turned out later.

On the evening of 31 March, Jan Rzepnicki, one of the hospital’s Polish employees, was told by his superiors to draw up six copies of the list of selected patients, as required by Dr Lemberger. He typed that list on the night of 31 March and 1 April 1940, guarded by one of the SS-men, who was not vigilant enough, because Rzepnicki managed to produce as many as seven copies. The six commissioned copies and the carbon paper were duly returned to the German guard, while the seventh copy was concealed in Rzepnicki’s desk and afterwards in the boiler room.

On 1 April, which was a Monday, Herr Kommissar talked to Dr Lemberger for a while and then, accompanied by two SS-men, travelled to Rossoszyca in the passenger car. He returned after an hour to enjoy a sumptuous meal. In the evening, the SS-men and some German members of the personnel, such as Dr Renfranz, Thomas the inspector, and Mader the paymaster, threw a drinking party. The next morning, the SS vehicles drove into the hospital yard. The patients were not allowed to leave the building. Checkpoints were set up all over the neighbouring area. Also, all road and rail traffic between Warta and Rossoszyca was stopped. The staff were told the patients would first travel in trucks to Szadek railway station, and later by train to hospitals in the Generalgouvernement. Then, on the basis of the drafted list, the names were read out, the patients were counted and led out to board the trucks. Yet many instinctively felt they were being deceived. Tense and fearful, they put up resistance, kept hiding under the beds, or tried to run away. Dr Lemberger told the nurses to administer injections of scopolamine and morphine to stun and pacify them. The injections were performed by Sister Borgia (Stefania Kaim). Then the orderlies and nurses managed to induce the patients to board the trucks parked in the yard.

On that critical day, the first day of the killings, i.e. 2 April 1940, only women patients were removed from the hospital. They had to enter what was in fact a gas van, whose airtight cargo compartment was equipped with a few rows of seats, as testified by Walenty Witczak, one of the witnesses. The engine fumes were led into the compartment via an exhaust pipe, or two pipes, as some witnesses claim. Jan Rzepnicki, one of the witnesses, said the vehicle was made up of two cubicles, namely a mobile gas chamber and a carrier with a driver’s cabin to tow it. It is not known who designed the vehicle. It may have been one Dr Becker of Berlin, who served as a lieutenant in the Wehrmacht during the war. Initially, gas vans of this type were manufactured in Berlin by the well-known Saurer company (Małcużyński, 247). Later, when gas chambers were built in extermination camps, fewer vehicles of this type were produced to cut costs.

Gas vans of this type were used to kill the patients of Warta Mental Hospital. They were loaded up at about 9 in the morning. Patients’ identity was checked by an SS-man standing at the rear door with a whip in his hand. Another SS-man with a pistol urged the staff and patients to hurry up. Patients had to get into the vehicle while the Germans shouted and swore at them, calling them polnische Schweine. Those women who were unable to get in unassisted were brutally pushed and kicked. Those who had to lean on a helper to walk or had to be carried on a stretcher ended up lying on the floor (Okręgowa Komisja).

The hospital staff, who were careful and considerate, were abused physically and verbally by the SS-men. One of the oppressors hit Dr Krysiak on the head with his whip. Dr Wojanowski was pushed so violently that he fell down. He was threatened he would be punished for the “chaos” by being beaten up again and transferred along with his patients. The SS-men made sure that the truck was stuffed to full capacity (apparently 68 people could be loaded up at a time). Then the door was forcibly closed. It took about two hours to load the truck in this way. Then the engine was switched on and the vehicle left the hospital, heading for Rossoszyca. In the meantime, another truck was leaving the jail in Warta with prisoners equipped with spades. They were guarded by local Volksdeutsche, who were allowed to carry guns, and additionally escorted by SS-men.

The airtight truck that left the hospital produced no exhaust fumes, as many witnesses said, although its engine was working. The patients inside were killed by the exhaust fumes. The corpses were unloaded by the prisoners and buried in the pits that had been dug previously. After the war, Józef Kiełek, a witness who had worked as a forester in the neighbourhood of Rossoszyca, testified he heard gunfire coming from the site, which would suggest that some of the nearly asphyxiated victims had to be finished off with a gun. Three trucks were used to transport patients: the airtight one with the gas chamber, and the two with tarp roofs.

When the gas van left for Rossoszyca forest, one of the regular trucks pulled up at Warta Hospital. It was loaded in a similar manner. After two hours it was full and departed under escort for Rossoszyca, and once in the forest the patients were hurried into the airtight truck, which was empty by that time. Its engine was started, and the vehicle approached the pit the prisoners had dug and dumped the dead bodies of the gassed people into it. More or less at the time when the patients from the second truck were being murdered, the third truck was being loaded up in the hospital yard and, according to plan, left for the forest at about 1 or 2 p.m. As in the case of the second truck, the patients from the third truck had to enter the emptied gas chamber of the first vehicle, in which they were killed. Then the bodies of the last group of victims were buried. Afterwards, the prisoners left the forest and were taken back under constant guard to Warta jail. They were either accompanied or followed by the SS-men, who, having returned to their lodgings in the hospital, washed, had a meal, and spent the afternoon relaxing. In the evening they liked to listen to piano music, performed live by Antoni Garszczyński, a hospital lab technician.

Another witness, Józef Szewczyk, testified that on 2 April when the SS trucks returned to Warta, he was ordered to clean the tarpaulin of pine needles and twigs.

The next day, 3 April, at 9 a.m. the SS-men resumed their deadly business. As on the previous day, the women were herded onto two trucks to be killed, and the passengers of the last vehicle were the first group of men patients. That day in the hospital yard, Tadeusz Chmiela, an orderly, by mistake stayed on board the first truck after it had been loaded. He was let out only when Dr Renfranz and the hospital staff intervened. So, for a while, Chmiela was inside while the engine was already working. He left the compartment pale and dazed. His colleagues had to support him as he walked away, and it took him some time to regain full consciousness. Also, once when the armoured truck got stuck in the mud on the road, the hospital staff were ordered to lay planks and blocks of wood to provide traction and free it, and then they could hear the patients banging on the walls of the compartment. No further disturbance occurred on that day to hinder the transport of the patients. When all of them were killed, the prisoners were taken back to Warta, as before, and the SS-men spent their evening as they had done the previous night.

By Thursday, 4 April, they had settled into a routine, and at 9 a.m. they started transporting the remaining patients condemned to die. On that day, only men were taken away from the hospital and killed.

Overall, between 2 and 4 April 1940 Warta Hospital lost 499 patients, who were taken away, gassed to death, and some were finished off with a pistol or automatic gun. All the Jewish patients were murdered except for Chawe Markuze, a woman reportedly spared for her exceptional beauty. Later on she was deported to the Generalgouvernement. The majority of the victims were labourers or artisans. There were more than ten teachers, many clerks, and two doctors (WAPŁOS, 25–33).

The victims were of all ages: the oldest woman, Anna Jędrzejewska, had been born in 1861 (WAPŁOS, 29), and the youngest boy, nicknamed Unbek, was just a few years old (WAPŁOS, 25). He was the only child in Warta Hospital, all the other patients were adults. The victims came from various regions of Poland, most of them from the regions of Łódź and Poznań, some from Pomerania, and three from Silesia. Usually they were inhabitants of large and medium-sized cities, such as Łódź (316 victims), Częstochowa, Tomaszów Mazowiecki, and Zgierz. Only 18 of them lived in rural areas (WAPŁOS, 25–30). Summing up, only about 120 out of the hospital’s 600 patients survived.

The Germans tried to cover up the evidence of the crime in Rossoszyca forest using soil, dry leaves and pine needles. On 4 April 1940, the prisoners who first had to dig the pits and then bury the victims did not return to Warta jail; also, no midday or evening meals were ordered for them. They must have been killed because they were witnesses to the crime, and buried with the mental patients.

The killers spent 5 April in their lodgings, eating, drinking, and resting. On 6 April they had a lavish farewell dinner with the head of the hospital, the inspector, the paymaster, and their wives. The banqueters were drinking until 4 a.m. 7 April was the day of departure for all the SS-men, who went to Turek, because they planned to “purge” other hospitals too. Warta Hospital estimated the cost of their stay at 3,600 marks. Also, it had to pay the SS headquarters in Stettin (now Szczecin) for the “evacuation” of the patients, and the bill amounted to 14,700 marks. The name of the SS commander is not known, though he may have been called Lange,6 as his unit was referred to as Sonderkommando Lange7 (Nawrocki, 35). Jan Rzepnicki said he saw Null and Portugal, two SS-men from this unit, at a 1942 hanging of ten Jewish men in Warta. The execution took place on 22 April 1942, and one of the men killed was Warta’s rabbi, Eliasz Laskowski, aged 60. A photograph of the execution is owned by the regional museum in Sieradz; it shows the two SS-men.

The murder of the mental patients shocked the inhabitants of the town and its neighbourhood. It was an open secret. The new head, Dr Hans Renfranz, replaced Dr Lemberger, and told all the Polish employees of the hospital to erase the transfer of the patients from their memories. He threatened them that any attempt to break the silence would have dire consequences. No unauthorised persons were to enter the empty buildings. Also, he immediately decided to dismiss some of the staff, for instance Jan Rzepnicki, who managed to take the hidden list of the victims from the boiler room and had it concealed in the [local Observantine] monastery. He intended to make it public after the war.

Renfranz appointed Germans or Poles who had been employed in hospitals which had been closed down in the region of Poznań and in Pomerania to management jobs previously held by Poles (Okręgowa Komisja). The personnel registers of Warta Hospital have been preserved, so we know that while Dr Renfranz was head of the hospital, i.e. until the war was over, the hospital employed eight more physicians: Elżbieta Gassert, Halina Hrynkiewicz-Wojanowska, Eugenia Kaleniewicz, Gwidon Łukaszewski, Sylwester Ranus, Janusz Smoleński, Zenon Wojanowski, and Semen Zahrebelny.


Solace. Marian Kołodziej. Click the image to enlarge.

The pharmacy was run by Antoni Garszczyński, who has been mentioned in the foregoing. Initially Jakub Humbert was Oberpfleger, that is the male nurses’ supervisor, and when he quit, a man called Lindgrün was appointed. The first matron in the women’s ward was Herta Ziehlke, and when she left, Mina Stenke was appointed. The management staff were the inspectors Richard Nagel, Alfred Thomas, and Paul Mader, as well as the manager of the hospital’s farm, Ernst Blum, who was deputy head of the entire establishment.

Under German occupation, Warta Hospital employed a total of about 200 people. After the patients had been “evacuated,” the nuns working there, of the Congregation of the Sisters Servants of the BVM, were told by Dr Renfranz to change their religious habits for secular clothes. Those who obeyed the order stayed on and worked in the hospital until the liberation. The rest had to leave and went to Częstochowa, which was in the Generalgouvernement (Okręgowa Komisja).

Following the murder of the patients, many of the staff started looking for new jobs. With time, the empty buildings were again full of patients; this time of Germans from northern Germany, Pomerania, and the region of Poznań. In 1940 as many as 654 new arrivals were admitted, as the hospital’s records say. They were very well fed, as the hospital obtained food and livestock from farms in Warta and the neighbouring villages, such as Baszków and Jakubice, whose Polish owners had been evicted and “resettled.” It was much more difficult to purchase pharmaceuticals, bedding, and clothing for the patients. In that period, the Polish employees were not yet being abused or humiliated. The situation gradually changed as the war dragged on. In 1941 severe restrictions on food distribution were introduced, and the patients’ diet deteriorated. At the same time, some of the German employees developed a less tolerant attitude towards the Poles, harassing and bullying them. In 1941, 415 new patients arrived from Germany and Reichsgau Wartheland.

In June 1941 another selection was made: 82 “untreatable” patients, including 34 women, were to be killed (WAPŁOS). On 16 June they were taken away nach Schmückert (to what is now Bojanowo) in two military trucks and then by train. They were supervised by the male nurses and Jakub Humbert, the German Oberpfleger. The patients had to get off at Poniec and board waiting SS-vehicles. Their ultimate destination is not known; the group was last seen in Poniec. Almost all of those patients were Poles; most probably, they were executed. Summing up, during the two operations of 1940 and 1941, the Germans killed 581 patients of Warta Mental Hospital.

In August 1941, amid growing protests against euthanasia from the German general public, the victims’ families, the clergy, the frontline soldiers etc., Hitler had to stop the involuntary euthanasia programme (Madajczyk, II, 263). From then on mentally ill people were eliminated using different means, e.g. they were given lethal injections, forced to take poison orally (Lemiesz, 153), or were starved to death.

In 1942 Warta Hospital admitted 624 German patients (Archives of Warta Mental Hospital, admission records). Some new arrivals for whom there were not enough beds either in Warta or Glinna were moved to a confiscated country residence at Małków (Szewczyk). Just as in Warta, at Małków family visits were more and more restricted. In 1943 Warta Hospital had a record number of 864 admissions, as many mental health institutions in Germany had been bombed in air raids (Archives of Warta Mental Hospital, admission records). Medicines, food, clothes and footwear were in short supply. The provisions were unsatisfactory, considering the large number of patients. The diet consisted of brown sour bread, ersatz coffee, potato soup, and swedes (Rzepnicki; Adamkiewicz). In 1943, 298 patients died of emaciation (Księga zgonów).

In late summer 1944 the hospital began to take in Polish patients from Reichsgau Wartheland who had been living with their families in the country (Archives of Warta Mental Hospital, personal records). The hospital had practically no provisions. For breakfast at 7 a.m., the patients had brown bread with a little jam and “coffee;” all they got for lunch at noon was a portion of boiled swedes; and for supper at 6 p.m. they had swede soup. Swedes seemed to be the only food available. The patients developed swollen limbs and distended bellies, and scavenged for leftovers in outdoor rubbish bins. Many of them died of starvation, cold, and lack of hygiene: the hospital could not provide proper clothing, shoes, or clean bedding, and its heating system did not work after the pipes burst (Rzepnicki; Adamkiewicz). In late 1944 there were from 3 to 10 deaths every day. When there were no more paper shrouds and coffins, the bodies were buried naked in mass graves in the parish graveyard of Warta. They were transported in the last coffin left, and then dumped into the pit. The gravedigger was Chmiela, one of the witnesses, now deceased. Warta’s register of deaths for 1944 says there were 354 deaths in the hospital. Actually, the death toll was even higher, because not all the deaths were registered.

In January 1945 the hospital was evacuated again. Patients left, taking different directions. The largest group was stopped at Zagajew by Dr Kaleniewicz, who advised them to return to Warta. As the temperatures were well below zero and the patients were starving, many of them did not survive the march. Jan Rzepnicki said that 70 bodies were found in the vicinity of the town, and were buried in a mass grave in the graveyard at Warta.

On 26 August 1945, some bodies were exhumed in Rossoszyca forest as evidence of the Nazi murder of the Warta mental patients in April 1940. The exhumation report says the following: “On the eighth kilometre of the road from Warsaw to Łódź, after passing Warta, we turned off the main road onto a dust road on the right-hand side, which we followed for about 400 metres. There we found a small wood with a clearing in the middle, about 14 by 30 metres. The place had a striking feature: three parallel, depressed areas, 9 by 3.5 metres each” (Archives of Warta Mental Hospital, Zjazd). When the investigators dug into these three sites, at a depth of 1.5 metres they found human remains, as well as scraps of clothing, which turned out to be Warta Hospital garments. Now the place is marked by three mounds and an obelisk to commemorate the victims of the German crime. The memorial is in the care of the Sieradz branch of ZBoWiD (the Society of Fighters for Freedom and Democracy, a Polish war veterans’ association).

Translated from original article: Jan Milczarek, “Wymordowanie chorych psychicznie w Warcie.” Przegląd Lekarski – Oświęcim, 1979.

Notes

  1. It is worth mentioning that the terms Kinderaktion and Aktion T4 are not interchangeable.
    In the late 1938 or early 1939 a relative (probably the father) of a child listed as Gerhard Herbert Kretschmar addressed Hitler with a request for a “mercy killing.” The boy was born blind, without one leg and with a malformed upper limb. Hitler ordered Karl Brandt, one of his personal physicians, consult the doctors taking care of the child and “authorise” a euthanasia if they had seen it fit. The physicians were promised that no legal consequences would follow. Later Hitler authorised Brandt and Philip Bouhler (Chief of the Chancellery of the Führer of the NSDAP) to issue similar authorisations in the future.
    Hitler did not issue an official order to kill psychiatric patients. He only allowed for it in a letter written in 1939, antedated 1 Septemeber 1939.
    Aktion T4 was a name of a mass killing programme realised in the Third Reich, including the annexed Polish territories, i.e., Pomerania and Reichsgau Wartheland. The programme consisted of murdering people considered a burden to the German nation. The name “T4” comes from the Berlin address Tiergartenstraße 4, where the headquarters of the programme were located. Aktion T4 lasted from 1 September 1939 to 24 August 1941 and was the first act of mass murder in which Nazi Germans employed the gass chambers. The name Aktion T4 is sometimes mistakenly used to refer to all killing of people with disabilities and psychiatric patients between 1933–1945.a
  2. The memorial on the site at Warta gives a figure of 581. Later in this article we learn the reason for the discrepancy.b
  3. According to some sources, Helena Katz-Furmanowa stayed in a hospital in Chełm until 12 January 1940, which seems unlikely. The 1939 Urzędowy Spis Lekarzy (official record of working physicians) includes her as a doctor working at the psychiatric hospital in Warta.a
  4. The German name for the part of Poland the Nazis directly incorporated in Germany.b
  5. Volksdeutsche—persons with German roots; the Nazis treated them preferentially in comparison with individuals of other ethnicities.c
  6. Full name: Herbert Lange.a
  7. The name Sonderkommando Lange comes from its leader, Herbert Lange, the future commandant of the Chełmno (Kulmhof) extermination camp. Sonderkommando Lange is responsible for the deth of over 6,000 Polish, Jewish, and German psychiatric patients, most of them hospitalised on the territories of Reichsgau Wartheland.a

a—notes by Maria Ciesielska, Expert Consultant on the history of medicine for the Medical Review Auschwitz project; b—notes by Marta Kapera, the translator; c—note by Teresa Bałuk-Ulewiczowa, Head Translator of the Medical Review Auschwitz project.


References

1. Adamkiewicz, Maria. Statement. No dating.
2. Archives of Warta Mental Hospital (admission records, patients’ personal records, typescript entitled Zjazd psychiatrów polskich w Tworkach, 1–3 XI 1945 r. [Congress of Polish psychiatrists at Tworki, 1–3 November 1945]).
3. Batawia, Stanisław. “Zagłada psychicznie chorych,” Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce. 1947; III: 93–106.
4. Chróścielewski, Edmund, and Celiński, Wiesław. “Pseudoeutanazja w „Kraju Warty” podczas okupacji hitlerowskiej,” Przegląd Lekarski – Oświęcim. 1969: 42–47.
5. Dąbrowski, Stanisław. “Likwidacja chorych szpitala psychiatrycznego w Obrzynach a problem eutanazji,” Przegląd Lekarski – Oświęcim. 1968: 36–40.
6. Księga zgonów [Register of Deaths], Urząd Stanu Cywilnego w Warcie [Warta Registry Office].
7. Lemiesz, Wiktor. Miejsca martyrologii na ziemi lubuskiej. Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie; 1969.
8. Łyskanowski, Marcin. “Los psychicznie chorych pod panowaniem ideologii hitlerowskiej,” Przegląd Lekarski – Oświęcim. 1967: 64–67.
9. Madajczyk, Czesław. Polityka III Rzeszy w okupowanej Polsce, Warszawa: PWN; 1970; II: 263.
10. Małcużyński, Karol. Oskarżeni nie przyznają się do winy, Warszawa: Interpress; 1970.
11. Mitscherlich, Alexander, and Mielke, Fred. Nieludzka medycyna, Warszawa: Państwowy Zakład Wydawnictw Lekarskich; 1963. Polish translation of Medizin ohne Menschlichkeit (first German edition, Heidelberg: Lambert Schneider, 1947; English translation, Doctors of Infamy: The Story of the Nazi Medical Crimes, New York: Henry Schuman, 1949).
12. Nawrocki, Stanisław. Terror policyjny w „Kraju Warty”, 1939–1945, Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie; 1973.
13. Okręgowa Komisja Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Łodzi [archives of the Łódź branch of the Commission for the Prosecution of Crimes against the Polish Nation], ref. no. 234 (no pagination).
14. Radzicki, Józef, and Radzicki, Jerzy. Zbrodnie hitlerowskiej służby sanitarnej w zakładzie dla obłąkanych w Obrzycach, Zielona Góra: Lubuskie Towarzystwo Naukowe; 1975.
15. Rzepnicki, Jan. Statement. No dating.
16. Sehn, Jan. “Niektóre aspekty prawne tzw. eksperymentów lekarzy SS.” Okupacja i medycyna. Warszawa: Książka i Wiedza; 1971: 299.
17. Szewczyk, Józef. Statement. No dating.
18. WAPŁOS [Wojewódzkie Archiwum Państwowe w Łodzi, Oddział w Sieradzu—National archives for the Voivodeship of Łódź, Sieradz Branch], Akta miasta Warty [Warta Municipal Archives], ref. no. 61.

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